In 2001, when the first Bush tax cut was passed, official projections showed huge fiscal surpluses.
Of course, the Bush tax cut boom was ended by the 2008 financial crisis.
And, they continued expressing their distaste for the size of the Bush tax cut.
Eschew high-drama deadlines, and make it clear that the Bush tax cut expiration date is the endgame.
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The Bush tax cut owes far more to the ideological conservatism of Ronald Reagan than to the cautious managerialism of Dwight Eisenhower.
The simple message of the Bush tax cut story is true.
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He has one of the most liberal voting records in the Senate, having opposed the Iraq War, the Bush tax cut and Supreme Court Justice John Roberts.
But it was soon knocked back as Al Gore returned to his well-worn theme, that the Bush tax cut would benefit the wealthiest 1% above all others.
If all we do is just go back to the pre-Bush tax cut rates for the top income brackets, for millionaires and billionaires, that would raise hundreds of billions of dollars.
Before the Bush tax cut, dividends labored under a heavy handicap--they were taxed twice: once when the company earned the money, a second time when the dividend passed into the hands of the investor.
As a result, in March 2001, Greenspan known as a strong proponent of reducing the national deficit testified in favor of a Bush tax cut, a move for which he was later criticized.
Now Congress seems interested in bringing back those tax extenders (expensing, credits, AMT patch and more) and tagging them on to the explosive Bush tax cut extension debate, which is shaping up as a key battle-line vote before the midterm elections in November.
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One of Mr Gore's main themes of attack is likely to be that the Bush tax cut will be "risky" and will endanger the economic growth of the last few years and also threaten government spending on popular areas like education and health care.
And even in the event Armstrong is able to fully utilize his deductions in the current year, he may have been subject to a higher tax rate when the bonuses were originally earned particularly during the pre-Bush tax cut years of 1999-2001 than he is today.
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He opposes the Bush Administration tax cut, however, because he doesn't believe it has any chance of creating new jobs.
Examining the original Bush tax-cut proposal using the new method produces a ten-year "cost" that isn't much different from that arrived at using the old one.
Miller's support for Bush's tax cut is not shared by many Democrats on Capitol Hill.
Kerry has advocated rolling back the cuts many wealthier Americans received in Bush's tax cut packages.
Democrats have slammed Bush's tax cut as too high and geared to the wealthy.
And he disputed Bush's quantification of how much Bush's tax cut would amount to.
That includes the Bush middle class tax cut reducing the 28% tax bracket to 25%.
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As The Economist went to press, George Bush's tax cut was proceeding to the full House for debate.
For this year's voters, Bush's tax cut seems too big and his Social Security privatization seems too bold.
Mr Johnson is a centrist Democrat who voted for Mr Bush's tax cut.
Okay, given his many distractions, how can Bush sell the tax cut extension, and how can he rally his party behind it?
Lucas votes with the White House more than almost any other Democrat in the House, and he backed Bush's tax cut and his plan for a Medicare prescription drug benefit.
Lucas votes with the White House more than almost any other Democrat in the House, and he backed Bush's tax cut and the president's plan for a Medicare prescription drug benefit.
They have been replaced by deficits almost as far as the eye can see: Mr Bush's tax cut, the jump in military spending and the economic downturn have all played their part.
He explains that he was recommending finding a "glidepath" that would remove the surplus at the point the level of debt went to zero either Bush's tax cut or the Democrats' proposal.
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