In 2001, when the first Bush tax cut was passed, official projections showed huge fiscal surpluses.
Of course, the Bush tax cut boom was ended by the 2008 financial crisis.
And, they continued expressing their distaste for the size of the Bush tax cut.
The Bush tax cut owes far more to the ideological conservatism of Ronald Reagan than to the cautious managerialism of Dwight Eisenhower.
The simple message of the Bush tax cut story is true.
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He has one of the most liberal voting records in the Senate, having opposed the Iraq War, the Bush tax cut and Supreme Court Justice John Roberts.
But it was soon knocked back as Al Gore returned to his well-worn theme, that the Bush tax cut would benefit the wealthiest 1% above all others.
If all we do is just go back to the pre-Bush tax cut rates for the top income brackets, for millionaires and billionaires, that would raise hundreds of billions of dollars.
Before the Bush tax cut, dividends labored under a heavy handicap--they were taxed twice: once when the company earned the money, a second time when the dividend passed into the hands of the investor.
Now Congress seems interested in bringing back those tax extenders (expensing, credits, AMT patch and more) and tagging them on to the explosive Bush tax cut extension debate, which is shaping up as a key battle-line vote before the midterm elections in November.
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He opposes the Bush Administration tax cut, however, because he doesn't believe it has any chance of creating new jobs.
Examining the original Bush tax-cut proposal using the new method produces a ten-year "cost" that isn't much different from that arrived at using the old one.
Miller's support for Bush's tax cut is not shared by many Democrats on Capitol Hill.
Kerry has advocated rolling back the cuts many wealthier Americans received in Bush's tax cut packages.
Democrats have slammed Bush's tax cut as too high and geared to the wealthy.
And he disputed Bush's quantification of how much Bush's tax cut would amount to.
That includes the Bush middle class tax cut reducing the 28% tax bracket to 25%.
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As The Economist went to press, George Bush's tax cut was proceeding to the full House for debate.
For this year's voters, Bush's tax cut seems too big and his Social Security privatization seems too bold.
Mr Johnson is a centrist Democrat who voted for Mr Bush's tax cut.
Republicans argue that even though the bulk of Bush's tax cut won't be felt for years, the entire package would have an immediate, positive psychological effect on the markets and consumers -- if Congress passes it.
Congressional Quarterly reported that John voted with Bush 70 percent of the time, including for President Bush's tax cut, for the ban on partial-birth abortions, for barring gays in the Boy Scouts and for drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.
This tax-cut package must repeal the Bush-Clinton tax increases of the early 1990s, cut the capital gains tax rate by 50% and abolish the marriage penalty, estate taxes and the alternative minimum tax.
Republicans had been whispering about making Jeffords pay a price for disloyalty because of his previous opposition to Bush's full tax cut.
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Many Republicans believe Jeffords single-handedly sank Bush's proposed tax cut, forcing the White House to negotiate with moderate Democrats on a smaller cut.
CNN: Jeffords leaves GOP, throwing Senate control to Democrats
An even bigger question-mark hangs over Mr Bush's tax-cut proposals.
They have been encouraged by opposition to Mr Bush's tax-cut plan from some unlikely quarters, most notably from Alan Greenspan, the chairman of the Federal Reserve, who recently reiterated his doubts.
Mr Bush argues that his tax cut will itself have a beneficial impact on economic growth, and that as a result the deficits projected under current methods will turn out to be overly pessimistic.
That's roughly a 60% increase in the tax on investments, but at least it would maintain parity between taxes on capital gains and dividends, a principle established as part of George W. Bush's 2003 tax cut.
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