No approaches to enforcing the Geneva Protocol, however, have ever been agreed upon in advance.
In 1925, 29 countries signed the Geneva Protocol which prohibited the use of poisonous gases in war.
This is clear from the history of the oft- violated 1925 Geneva Protocol prohibiting initiation of chemical warfare.
CENTERFORSECURITYPOLICY: Toxic treaty: how not to ban chemical weapons
Iraq used unconventional weapons despite it being party to the 1925 Geneva Protocol.
If the Geneva Protocol cannot be enforced, then much less could the CWC.
And if the Geneva Protocol is properly enforced, then the CWC is unnecessary.
Honest diplomacy would focus not on ratifying an ineffective new ban but on shoring up the 1925 Geneva Protocol.
CENTERFORSECURITYPOLICY: Toxic treaty: how not to ban chemical weapons
If we want to use law as a weapon against chemical weapons, we should reject the CWC and shore up the Geneva Protocol.
Through gruesome videotapes, laboratory analyses, and other means, the inspectors proved that Iraq had used chemical weapons in violation of the 1925 Geneva Protocol, to which it is a party.
Plus, they learned that you could not rely on the international community to abide by its own international treaties like the 1925 Geneva protocol against the use of chemical weapons.
He expressed regret that Libya was not planning on adhering to the 1967 Geneva protocol on the treatment of refugees, but said negotiations were being concluded on co-operation on border control issues.
Iraq's widely publicized flouting of the Geneva Protocol led, a few months later-in January 1989-to the convening in Paris of a large international conference to do something to uphold the old treaty.
Chlorine gas was used by both sides during World War I but was banned by the Geneva Protocol, along with the use of other poison gases, after the end of the war.
The governments that fell down on the job of upholding the Geneva Protocol then strove to demonstrate their commitment to arms control by agreeing upon an unverifiable ban on possession of chemical weapons.
Rather than impose on our government, industry, and people the costs and constraints of the CWC, U.S. officials could more constructively direct their energies to devising means to enforce the existing ban on chemical-weapons use, the Geneva Protocol.
Efforts have been made since 1918 to stamp them out -- through the 1925 Geneva Protocol, which bans their use, and the 1997 Convention on Chemical Weapons, which bans their use, development, production and transfer -- but still some nations stockpile them.
There was no lack of verification and there could be no shadow of doubt that this act had violated one of the oldest arms-control treaties, to which Iraq was also a party--the Geneva Protocol of 1925, which even Hitler did not violate.
If Iraq's use, in violation of the Geneva Protocol, of nerve gas and other chemicals against Iran-a UN-confirmed illegality about which there was no verification dispute, a violation that produced horribly disfigured victims and lurid corpses, all displayed on television around the world-produced no condemnation of Iraq, let alone punishment, then what basis exists for believing that non-compliance with the CWC would produce such action?
C. fully ignored that the U.S. has for over a quarter-century expressly refused to ratify a treaty (the 1977 Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions) that would grant POW protections to non-state militias.
CENTERFORSECURITYPOLICY: International law v. the United States
" Furthermore, "The U.S. has for over two decades expressly rejected a treaty - the 1977 Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions - that would have vested terrorists with Geneva protections....if we're going to have such a treaty with al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations, it will have to be a new one.
During the 1988 trial of Mutula Shakur, a self-described soldier for the "Republic of Afrika" accused by the United States government of murdering police and robbery in New York, the defense argued that Shakur was immune from prosecution on the grounds that, pursuant to the terms of Protocol I to the Geneva Convention, he should be treated as a prisoner of war.
The other note of trouble is Mr. Obama's decision, also announced yesterday, to treat as legally binding part of a radical 1977 revision to the 1949 Geneva Conventions known as Article 75 of Additional Protocol 1.
应用推荐