Souleles and his colleagues also found that in the three months during which the rebates were received, low-income households spent 63% more of the money on nondurable goods than high-income households did, buying things like food, clothing and health-related items.
They include tax increases for high-income households and both tax cuts and tax hikes for others.
All of these changes would very likely knock even more high-income households off the rolls.
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Washington now has the third largest concentration of high-income households of any metropolitan area in America.
Obama believes that tax increases on high-income households are a key piece of deficit reduction.
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They may accept the imminent demise of the 2001-2003-2010 tax cuts for high-income households.
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And he said high-income households would pay the same share of taxes as they do today.
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But by most other measures, high-income households benefit far more from tax expenditures than those at the bottom.
But either way, both the tax cuts for high-income households and the increase in the deficit would be enormous.
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Now that the rate for high-income households has gone up significantly, their tax subsidies will be even more generous.
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It aims to do so by raising taxes on high-income households and investors, and cutting spending on health care and discretionary programs.
Boehner says revenues are on the table as part of a long-term budget agreement, though higher tax rates for high-income households are not.
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On top of that, high-income households will pay another 3.8 percent tax on investment income starting this year under the 2010 health reform law.
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He vowed that he would never extend the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts for high-income households beyond their (latest) expiration date of December, 2012.
Both sides could finesse their tax squabble by keeping rates pretty much where they are, but somehow limiting the benefits of tax preferences for high-income households.
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Yet, it is full of items of interest, including a new millionaires tax and a renewed proposal to limit the value of tax preferences for high-income households.
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Under the 2010 health law, high-income households will pay an additional 0.9 percent Medicare payroll tax and a new 3.8 percent levy on investment income such as capital gains and dividends.
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But the biggest savings would go to high-income households.
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Obama has called on House Republicans to pass a bill approved by the Senate last July that would extend for one year most of the 2001-2009 tax cuts, except for high-income households.
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Obama wants to raise rates for high-income households.
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Finally, because the rate cuts are so regressive, House Republicans would have to heavily skew offsetting tax increases to high-income households if they want to keep the distribution of taxes roughly what it is today.
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But the tax provisions of the Senate budget, which is being debated on the floor today, raise at least two big problems: They target only those tax expenditures that benefit high-income households and big businesses.
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About 40% of that revenue would be a result of not extending the 2001-03 tax cuts for high-income households and another 30% would come from the deduction cap (so you could wipe that off the books already).
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Despite Obama's backing, one leading Senate Democrat warned a deal could run into trouble -- not only from House Republicans who have long opposed any tax increase, but also from liberals in the Senate who oppose allowing more high-income households to escape a tax increase.
The better question is whether extending a zero cap gains rate to higher-income (but not super- high-income) households would encourage more investment in the short run.
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Most households boast high per capita income and a car to drive.
Our recent research on the attitudes of California consumers toward Proposition 37 suggests that there are no significant differences in the way high and low income or younger and older households would vote for the Proposition.
Also, if you take the view (which not everyone does) that households need to continue to save and pay down debt that is still a relatively high 160% of disposable income, then households' expenditure is likely to remain subdued for some considerable time.
This contradicts the widely-held theory that cash-strapped low-income households will spend a tax cut while high-income workers will save those extra dollars.
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Reynolds indicates the median income of households where the head holds a doctorate degree is about two and a half times as large on average as the median income of households where the head holds only a high school degree, and 5 times as large on average as for households where the head holds less than a ninth grade education.
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