But the High Court ruling will not distinguish atoms for peace from nuclear deterrence.
The British public, too, is less convinced of the need for nuclear deterrence than in the past.
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Some have invoked the language of nuclear deterrence, others of biological weapons, others have spoken of crime, others of public health.
Though it's tempting to attribute the Long Peace to nuclear deterrence, non-nuclear developed states have stopped fighting each other as well.
Cold War, the United States has an abiding requirement for nuclear deterrence.
Kennan, whose writings gave birth to the theory of nuclear deterrence, argued passionately but futilely against the development of the hydrogen bomb.
Nuclear deterrence, this school of thought asserts, was shown to work globally in the cold war and can now be expected to work regionally.
And it says we'll never use our nuclear deterrence to prevent a massive conventional attack either against the United States or against our allies.
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Secretary Schlesinger also impressed upon Senators that, notwithstanding the end of the Cold War, the United States has an abiding requirement for nuclear deterrence.
Rejection of such a consensus on a treaty that affects fundamental questions of nuclear deterrence would be an extraordinary action for the Senate to take.
History suggests that, in the absence of nuclear deterrence, the world would eventually be plunged yet again into the sort of cataclysm that twice scarred the 20th Century.
The critical contribution of U.S. nuclear deterrence was left unspoken.
One such challenge was whether the United States, with a military strategy based on credible nuclear deterrence, could maintain a highly reliable stockpile of nuclear weapons indefinitely without testing.
During the Cold War, nuclear deterrence was clearly defined.
They survived because missile warning is crucial to nuclear deterrence, but plenty of other military systems ended up being killed when an undisciplined requirements process produced designs that were unworkable or unaffordable.
Those who disagree often cite mostly positive political changes in the former Soviet Union as a principal reason why the U.S. is today less in need of nuclear deterrence than in the past.
The key to effective nuclear deterrence was a secure retaliatory capability, meaning an arsenal that could ride out any surprise attack and then respond with such devastating effect that adversaries would find the prospect unacceptable.
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Despite this centrality of nuclear deterrence to our individual security and the common defense, few of us feel any sense of ownership of the systems and required capabilities that make our deterrent credible, safe and effective.
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The third reason for our deterrent is that it would prevent a cascade of proliferation because of the nuclear umbrella that the United States provides for over thirty-one countries, including many with the technology and resources for the development of nuclear deterrence on their own.
Faced with the growing Soviet strategic nuclear threat, U.S. defense planners abandoned reliance on nuclear weapons alone for deterrence and planned instead to counter, at least initially, conventional aggression at the regional level.
The main purpose of America's huge nuclear arsenal remains that of deterrence.
As argued previously, Iran may not be affected by the prohibitory factors of deterrence and the nuclear taboo due to particular internal characteristics not present in any state previously possessing nuclear weapons.
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We also adopted a Deterrence and Defense Posture Review that showed what the appropriate mix of conventional nuclear and missile defense forces should be in order to advance our deterrence and defense capabilities.
But deterrence worked only because a nuclear attack would have been immediately attributable.
Our deterrence still provides protection from nuclear, biological and chemical weapons attacks by states, more of which possess these capacities than did at the end of the Cold War.
As for the 450 Minuteman missiles that make up the other land-based leg of the arsenal, their locations are well known and the number of warheads they carry has dwindled to a small portion of the nuclear arsenal, so their future contribution to deterrence is uncertain too.
In a speech at West Point, he argued that the cold-war doctrines of containment and deterrence could not work against terrorists or dictators with nuclear bombs.
Secondly, over time, a view of nuclear weapons as immoral emerged, that of the nuclear taboo, which prevented the use of such weapons when deterrence was inapplicable.
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Second, as an alternative to defenses, national leaders adopted a strategy of deterrence, meaning any enemy foolish enough to launch a nuclear attack would suffer devastating retaliation-in-kind.
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