Many of these states have right-to-work laws, which make it easier for employees to remain non-union.
However, the data does not specify whether such migrations were due exclusively to right-to-work laws.
Right-to-work laws would not curb that monopoly power, he said, and therefore could not be justified.
Still, there might be myriad alternate causalities for this job growth that might not be directly tied to right-to-work laws.
Or, more to the point, do right-to-work laws actually produce better teachers?
By definition, right-to-work laws grant workers the freedom to reject union membership dues, even if they join a union and enjoy all its benefits.
Against that backdrop, most self-styled conservatives probably would be surprised to learn that in his 1962 book, Capitalism and Freedom, Friedman opposed right-to-work laws.
Unions may even try for the repeal of provision 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act, which allows states to pass right-to-work laws that ban forced unionization.
Jack Joyce writes to oppose right-to-work laws, which allow workers who choose not to belong to a union also to choose not to pay dues.
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Absent such economic drivers, there are still other ways to trim bad teachers and recruit good ones, but they get harder to implement without the increased leverage that comes from right-to-work laws.
In the fortieth-anniversary edition of Capitalism and Freedom (2002) he stated that he was equally opposed to right-to-work laws and to yellow-dog contracts, which make employment conditional on not belonging to a union.
Though the Census Bureau data shows that per capital disposable income was higher in right-to-work states, it is still not clear if this income gain is causally tied to right-to-work laws, or that it is appreciable enough to lure in better teachers.
Let me give an example that illustrates how right-to-work law affects freedom to contract under current labor laws.
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