The myriad social insurance schemes known as entitlements now comprise the majority of federal outlays.
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Taxing away some of the return to capital to provide social insurance against risks is appropriate.
Liberals must overcome their fear that any change at all is the death knell for social insurance.
User activity is sustained, even enhanced, by massive public investments in education, social insurance, or broadband networks.
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Forty years ago in Japan, one retiree was supported by ten active payers of social insurance levies.
The most obvious example was the unparalleled success of William Beveridge's official report on social insurance, published in 1942.
This plan would likely enhance efficiency, but social insurance initiatives ought to be eased entirely back to state capitols.
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Anyway, high earners also pay the largest share of social insurance taxes, though their share is not so disproportionate.
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Theodore Roosevelt ran for President in 1912 on a Progressive Party platform calling for a national system of social insurance.
Particularly striking is the fact that the same phenomenon, though less dramatic, is evident for corporate tax and social insurance collections.
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Mr. Litow is a retired actuary and past chairman of the Social Insurance Public Finance Section of the Society of Actuaries.
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Of course, Social Security is social insurance rather than a personal retirement account, and so it uses a formula to cross-subsidize certain beneficiaries.
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This morning, a group of long-term care experts discussed their ideas at the annual policy research conference of the National Academy of Social Insurance.
They may well be social insurance schemes, but to see this group as monolithically dependent is wrong headed, misguided, and ultimately self-destructive for Governor Romney.
He is a returned Peace Corps Volunteer, having served in Swaziland from 1989-1991, and is a member of the National Academy for Social Insurance (NASI).
In the cities the main system combines social insurance, paid for by payroll taxes, with individual accounts, into which workers must pay 8% of their earnings.
That is why David Cameron has made it clear from the start that we are having no truck with ideas for some alternative funding mechanism like social insurance.
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And, as usual, they ignore the unfunded liabilities of social insurance programs, even though these benefits are officially recognized as "mandatory spending" when the time comes to pay them out.
Social security is social insurance against outliving your savings.
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But there are many ways to raise and spend money on health: through private insurance, as in America, through social insurance, as in much of Europe, or partly through charges, as in France.
Nor is there any reason why the state should not help to organize a comprehensive system of social insurance in providing for those common hazards of life against which few can make adequate provision.
It is, instead, a form of social insurance.
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Administrative costs for physicians are in the range of 25-30 percent of practice revenues and insurance-related costs are 15 percent of revenues, according to a National Academy of Social Insurance report for The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.
But they reveal little understanding of the complex interest-group politics and broader meaning of Medicare in America, as a social insurance program, as a pillar of the liberal welfare state, as a force in the lives of millions of people.
Beveridge's system was about social insurance.
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For example, for 30 years now the South American nation of Chile has demonstrated the enormous benefits to working people of empowering them with the freedom to choose personal savings, investment and insurance accounts in substitution for old fashioned social insurance programs hailing intellectually out of the late 19th century.
The way will then be open for those on the right and - it is worth emphasising - left of health policy who believe the funding model cannot cope, and that a form of social insurance, French, Swiss or German style, is necessary to meet the burgeoning demand for healthcare.
You can either get it through the National Health Service, funded out of general taxation, or you can go for the French, German systems of social insurance - which results in employers paying, for example in France, 60 pounds per week per employee - or you can do it through the American system.
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All legal residents covered by public health insurance funded by compulsory social health insurance contributions from employers and employees with no option to opt out.
The accounts could then be further expanded to allow substitution of private life insurance for Social Security survivors benefits, and private disability insurance for Social Security disability benefits.
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