Finally, Washington should stop treating the defense budget as a form of foreign aid.
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What is more, given the anticipated cutbacks in the defense budget, matters may get worse still.
With the defense budget being cut, can we afford to ignore cheaper training alternatives?
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Also present were senior representatives of the Congressional Budget Office and the Defense Budget Project.
In fact, the defense budget will still be larger than it was toward the end of the Bush administration.
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There are certain aspects of the defense budget that I will not touch.
To achieve a similar cut in the United States, we'd have to abolish Social Security and the defense budget.
This fiscal myopia is especially pronounced in the defense budget, where the government makes most of its capital investments.
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For his part, Ron Paul maintains that the defense budget is not being cut, just its rate of growth.
And that means trimming the defense budget, while still meeting our security needs.
Actually, the defense budget and the defense authorization bill, for a long time, has not really been a partisan issue.
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In fact, they hope to capitalize from the failure of the Supercommittee and the likelihood of cuts to the Defense budget.
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His Medicare and Medicaid reforms would generate future savings many times greater than would be gained from gutting the defense budget.
Now most of you are aware that there's some pretty steep cuts to the defense budget on the table right now.
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After every past major war in recent times, the defense budget has been drawn down after the end of the war.
Past cuts in the defense budget and those now being anticipated are dampening investment in associated research and development and industrial capacity.
Tomorrow, the Bush Administration will unveil its outline for the defense budget.
And this is why I argue all the time with my conservative friends who are constantly campaigning for increasing the defense budget.
Over 1, 000 government programs, including the defense budget and Medicare, are in line for deep, automatic cuts that begin to bite in January.
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The defense budget, by contrast, is about 18 percent of all federal spending yet the military will suffer half of the sequester cuts.
Fortunately, the Bush-Cheney administration has just put out the word that it has not ruled out increasing the defense budget this year, after all.
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The U.S. industrial base is already experiencing significant contractions in the face of sustained reductions in the defense budget over the past five years.
According to the Huffington Post, Cote has argued that cuts in the defense budget could come from reducing the pay of overseas troops.
At less than one-fifth of 1 percent of the defense budget, cutting homeland missile defense will hardly make a dent in the federal deficit.
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But I'm concerned about what happens to programs like that when we consider cuts of up to a trillion dollars from the defense budget.
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The only argument against a sequester, at least among conservatives, is that a sequester would impose too much of a burden on the defense budget.
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Applying the logic of power to the impending defense slowdown, it is easy to predict which parts of the defense budget will be most vulnerable.
Finally, although today is about our defense strategy, I want to close with a word about the defense budget that will flow from this strategy.
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Regardless of the size of the defense budget, the U.S. retains the intellectual and productive capacity to "gin up" whatever is required for unforeseen contingencies.
Why is there such a disproportionate impact on the defense budget?
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