The first is economic nationalism, a force long thought absent from the corridors of power.
It may also do something to reverse the tide of economic nationalism that is sweeping Europe.
It still wants a temple built at Ayodhya, and it still preaches swadeshi (economic nationalism).
And that, when it comes to economic nationalism, there are many worse offenders than Britain (France, for one).
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But the bigger and more disconcerting story in all of this is the apparent ascendancy of economic nationalism within the GOP.
Executives in France, Germany, South Korea, and especially China practice economic nationalism.
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Mr. Santorum espouses an economic nationalism and highlights his steel-town Pennsylvania heritage as a contrast to Mr. Romney's background as son of an auto-company chief executive.
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Moreover, Suharto's government has been unusual in turning to economic nationalism mostly when things looked rosy: in the oil boom of the 1970s and early 1980s, and again now.
The sale, intended to create the world's biggest toll-road operator, is the latest in a string of takeovers that have been hampered by the apparent economic nationalism of some governments.
In other words, the decline of bricks-and-mortar shops selling music and books, which other countries view mainly in terms of technological change, acquires more than a tinge of economic nationalism in France.
They talk of rising economic nationalism and a decline in the popular legitimacy of the EU and its institutions, and worry that these two trends are feeding each other in a vicious circle.
Clearly economic nationalism will inform this particular cabinet.
More and more countries are resorting to economic nationalism (though they may prefer to call it patriotism) which runs counter to the liberalising forces and open markets that the European Union is supposed to foster.
In this case, though, Europe has expressed serious concern over moves by the new Congress and president to nudge economic nationalism onto the agenda, even as they have been surprisingly willing to take Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner by his word when he tells them not to worry.
Alliances: The United States should undertake special efforts to preserve and refurbish the American alliance arrangements in Europe and Asia during a period in which the Soviet threat appears ambiguous and in which economic nationalism, Soviet arms control proposals and other centrifugal influences are causing -- or exacerbating -- serious divisions within our Alliances.
Or to put it another way, in being passionately and ideologically opposed to protectionism, have successive British governments been a little too dismissive of less pernicious forms of economic and industrial nationalism?
The reality driving this Tuareg revolt is more likely a complex hybrid of several factors, including ethnic nationalism, political isolation and a lack of economic opportunity.
Among them: a common desire to evolve from a command to a market economy, a mutual interest in containing Islam-fired nationalism in the new republics of Central Asia, and growing economic ties.
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