Bopp wanted to argue that the McCain-Feingold ban on issue advertisements violated the First Amendment.
The IRS had little interest in 501(c)(4) political activities until the 2002 McCain-Feingold campaign-finance reform.
WSJ: David Rivkin and Lee Casey: The IRS and the Drive to Stop Free Speech
But McCain-Feingold restricted what political parties could do, which led to the 527 phenomenon.
C. had prohibited the broadcast under McCain-Feingold, and Citizens United had challenged the decision.
The group calls its creation a documentary, which would be exempt from McCain-Feingold's strictures.
Bopp knew that he had an important advantage over the failed challenge to McCain-Feingold in 2003.
James Jeffords (Vt.) and Olympia Snowe (Maine) threw their support behind the McCain-Feingold reform bill.
With the extra support, McCain-Feingold survived, 51-48, a motion Tuesday afternoon to kill it.
The McCain-Feingold law prompted the right-to-life group in Wisconsin to go to Bopp with a problem.
In his view, the prohibitions in McCain-Feingold applied only to television commercials, not to ninety-minute documentaries.
Olson simply sought a judgment that McCain-Feingold did not apply to documentaries shown through video on demand.
For instance, he said, the NRA fought hard against campaign finance reform in the days of McCain-Feingold.
In 2002, Congress passed the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, usually called the McCain-Feingold law, after its original sponsors.
Like the McCain-Feingold bill in the Senate, Shays-Meehan would ban unregulated, "soft money" donations to the major parties.
The LAST thing we need is more backroom deals that produce bipartisan botches such as McCain-Feingold and Sarbanes-Oxley.
Opponents of McCain-Feingold, including Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss.), oppose the legislation, saying it violates free speech.
The McCain-Feingold legislation would ban unregulated money to political parties, require greater disclosure and restrict advertisements from outside groups.
As would the McCain-Feingold bill, Shays-Meehan would for the most part ban unregulated, soft-money donations to the major parties.
The subject was the so-called millionaire's amendment to the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law.
In other key decisions this term, the court stripped away a key part of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law.
Most important, the Court was weighing whether to overturn its endorsement of McCain-Feingold in the McConnell case of 2003.
The groups are controversial because they exploit loopholes in the McCain-Feingold campaign-finance law.
The McCain-Feingold campaign-finance law prohibited corporations from running television commercials for or against Presidential candidates for thirty days before primaries.
Most Republicans fiercely fought McCain-Feingold because it limited free speech yet now support what has been dubbed McCain-Feingold on steroids.
The amendment being crafted by Snowe, Jeffords and Chafee could be offered only after the first tabling vote on McCain-Feingold.
The Supreme Court is not in session, though it is hearing arguments about the constitutionality of the McCain-Feingold campaign-finance law.
Trent Lott (R-Miss.), used his prerogative as majority leader to prevent McCain-Feingold from advancing unless supporters can produce those 60 votes.
The court this term gutted a key provision of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law that had been upheld just three years ago.
So McCain-Feingold, and two Supreme Court precedents, had to be mostly overruled.
The four dissenting justices argued passionately to keep McCain-Feingold's restrictions in place.
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